The Cost of Protest
The decision to cancel a meeting or event in
support of a boycott can result in significant legal consequences and
hefty cancellation fees. What's more, it can tarnish a group's
historical data, say experts.
"Groups need to understand that
political beliefs come at a cost," says Lisa Sommer Devlin, founder of
Phoenix-based Devlin Law, which represents hotels. "Hotel management
companies have a responsibility to their hotel's owner. The owner is
gong to say, ‘Well, it's all well and good that you relocated to another
property in the same chain as my hotel, but that doesn't help me,
because I don't own that hotel. I want my money that you promised.' "
"Depending
on how important it is to your membership base, you can at least ask
that if, after the signing of your contract with the hotel or venue, the
state or local government should pass a law that is, say,
anti-immigrant, you have the right to terminate your event without
liability," says attorney James M. Goldberg of Washington, D.C.-based
Goldberg & Associates, which represents meeting planners. "The
problem, however, is going to be selling that provision to a hotel. You
have to prove that your cause is in your bylaws, and it has to be very
clear. It can't just say the group is against discrimination.
Discrimination of what? The typical backlash from a hotel will be that
they can't control what a legislature does, so why should they take a
hit for it?"
"Meeting planners have always been trained to brag
about their history to get a better deal," says Dallas-based hospitality
attorney Steve Rudner of Rudner Law Offices. "A group that has canceled
for whatever reasons should be prepared to face stricter contractual
terms in the future, particularly in a recovering economy, because
hotels are going to be much less risk-adverse.
"It's one thing
to be brave and take a stand when the political winds blow," Rudner
adds, "but you better expect to pay for it."
On April 23 this year, Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer signed into law a controversial immigration measure, Senate Bill 1070, setting off a firestorm of national and international criticism, strident political sparring, and a call by civil rights leaders to boycott meetings and conventions in the state. Seemingly overnight, Arizona became, for many, a national symbol of racial intolerance. In the first two weeks following the bill's enactment, the fallout in cities such as Phoenix, Scottsdale and Tucson was immediate and harsh, as some 23 groups quickly relocated upcoming meetings to neighboring states or wiped scheduled future events from their calendars, costing those destinations millions of dollars in potential delegate spend.
The backlash has put the state's hospitality leaders in a difficult position. "It pains me to see that the Arizona I know and love is not being depicted accurately," says Steve Moore, president and CEO of the Greater Phoenix Convention & Visitors Bureau. "But I have never believed in taking a defensive position, and I am not going to start now. I'm focusing my energies on getting as many people as I can to understand the economic importance of meetings and conventions to the very fabric of this city and the state."
Moore's careful language illustrates how the new law has thrust Arizona's meetings and hospitality industries into sudden crisis-management mode.
Action and reaction Widely considered the nation's toughest measure to combat illegal immigration, SB 1070 initially gave Arizona's local law enforcement the power to stop any individual to check his or her immigration status based on "reasonable suspicion" of illegal activity. Opponents of the bill, including President Obama, called the law draconian and said it would lead to racial profiling and unfairly target the state's large Hispanic and Latino population. On April 29, bowing to political pressure, Arizona lawmakers passed amendment House Bill 2162, which limits the scope of the law, specifically outlawing race, color or ethnicity as criteria for reasonable suspicion, as well as protects local governments from lawsuits. But the measure did little to ease fears. Unless challenged -- and many insiders predict a lengthy legal battle -- SB 1070 is set to take affect on July 29.
If Arizona tourism officials were dismayed to find their industry the pawn of a heated national political debate, they were outraged when perhaps the most damaging blow was struck from within. Rep. Raul Grijalva, a Democrat representing the southern part of the state, called for what he termed a "targeted ban on conventions and conferences for a limited time" and advised businesses to "refrain from using Arizona as a convention site...until Arizona turns the clock forward instead of backward."
"Nobody ever thought one of our own congressmen would call for a boycott," says Jonathan Walker, president and CEO of the Metropolitan Tucson Convention & Visitors Bureau. "There are laws being passed every day in just about every state, and they are not made out to be tied to tourism. How did this law become associated with the tourism industry?"
Indeed, Grijalva's boycott, says Moore, highlights the crux of the problem: While elected officials might think they understand the economic power of meetings and conventions, they still don't comprehend the interdependence of meetings and other businesses that generate critical revenue for the state.
Collateral damage It didn't take long after passage of SB 1070 for Tucson to begin feeling the pain. Within a few weeks, the Falmouth, Mass.-based Alliance for Community Media canceled its July 2011 meeting, scheduled to be held at the JW Marriott Star Pass Resort & Spa; in a letter to Gov. Brewer, the association said, "We are eager to spend our money in Arizona, but you leave us no choice but to take all necessary steps to move our annual conference to another state."
Also axing its plans to meet in the city was the Seattle-based Glass Art Society, set to convene in April 2011. "With a Latin American focus for this conference, the controversial issues in the state are particularly poignant," the society's board said in a letter to members.
In Phoenix, the state capital and the country's fifth-largest city, the boycott could not have come at a worse time. With its new $600 million convention center and a long-awaited, city-owned 1,000-room headquarters hotel finally in place, the city seemed poised to fully shuck its old second-tier reputation and go for the gold. But in the aftermath of SB 1070, organizations canceling conventions so far include Alpha Phi Alpha, the nation's oldest African-American college fraternity, which relocated this month's annual meeting to Las Vegas at a cost of $300,000 in cancellation fees; the National Association of Black Accountants, which pulled its 2012 meeting; and the New York City-based National Minority Supplier Development Council, which announced at the end of May that it would relocate its October meeting, expected to draw 5,000 attendees, to Miami.
Suzette Eaddy, CMP, director of conferences for the NMSDC, estimates that her group's economic impact on Phoenix would have been close to $31 million, while acknowledging that "the hotel, the CVB and the people who work in the tourism industry were not at the governor's table when this legislation was created. We chose the city because of its diversity. Our constituents are minorities, and we felt it was a good match. It's sad. There will be no winners in this."
Even as Phoenix reels from these cancellations, city tourism officials are trying to work with other groups weighing their options. One of those is the Boston-based Unitarian Universalist Association, which is scheduled to bring its annual general assembly, worth about $6 million, to town in June 2012. The UUA executive leadership said it would make a decision on whether to jump ship at the end of this June, following a vote by delegates at this year's meeting in Minneapolis. Should it vote yes, the association faces $615,000 in cancellation penalties between two downtown hotels.
"My biggest concern is my relationship with the city of Phoenix," says Jan Sneegas, director of general assembly and conference services for the UUA. "They worked so hard to attract religious business. When I learned of [SB 1070] and called my contact in Phoenix, he said, ‘I was expecting your call.' They know it's nothing personal on my part. They understand that."
The real extent of the boycott damage, says bureau head Steve Moore, lies in the unrealized and unknown convention pipeline: "We will never know the true extent of the damages this boycott has caused, because we don't even know who took us off their radar. The reality is, there are some groups who probably will not even put us on their list of places to consider, and that is where the impact is enormous." There is simply too much at stake, Moore adds, to lay low and wait for the high-water mark of political rhetoric to recede.
Highlights in Recent Boycott History
1979 The National Organization for Women induced dozens of groups to deny convention business to the 15 states that declined to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment of 1972. NOW estimates that 480 organizations with 40 million members supported the boycott against Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Utah and Virginia.
1988 Several agricultural groups, including the American Farm Bureau and the Produce Marketing Association, canceled meetings in San Francisco after city politicians endorsed the United Farm Worker's boycott of grapes sprayed with pesticide. The city lost an estimated $18.7 million in group spend.
1992 Arizona lost about 170 meetings and conventions, including the 1993 Super Bowl, with a combined economic impact of $300 million, because of the state's refusal to observe the federal holiday honoring the birthday of Martin Luther King Jr. The following year, the state approved observance of the day.
1993 Colorado passed Amendment 2, prohibiting legal protection from discrimination based on sexual orientation. Boycott Colorado, a grassroots organization that sprung up in response, estimated that more than 62 businesses endorsed its campaign and canceled meetings in the state, including the National Association of Hispanic Journalists, which paid $70,000 in cancellation penalties.
2000 The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People called for an economic boycott of South Carolina to force the state to remove the Confederate flag from atop the State House dome in the capital city of Columbia. The flag was removed on July 1, 2000, but its relocation to the front lawn of the State House did not mollify the civil rights organization, which considers the boycott still in effect.
2001 The shooting of an unarmed African-American man by a white police officer in Cincinnati sparked four days of rioting and subsequently led to a boycott by groups, including the Progressive National Baptists Convention, the Union of Black Episcopalians and the National Urban League, costing the city more than $10 million in lost business.
2005 The city council in Columbus, Ohio, enacted legislation banning the sale of certain kinds of assault weapons; the National Rifle Association immediately canceled plans to hold its 2007 annual convention in the city, an event expected to draw 65,000 attendees and pump $15 million into the local economy.
2006 The 70,000-member American College of Surgeons issued a boycott of Georgia over the state's laws governing which types of doctors can operate outpatient surgery centers. The group still maintains that it will not consider the state as a site for any future meetings or conventions.
Fighting back Hospitality industry
associations from every sector have responded to the boycott with a
united front in support of Arizona. "Every destination knows that
tomorrow they could be in the same predicament over some political
decision they cannot control," says Michael Gehrisch, president and CEO
of Washington, D.C.-based Destination Marketing Association
International. As a result, he notes, "none of our members want to prey
on business lost by a destination" over such issues.
The U.S.
Travel Association in Washington, D.C., which issued a statement on
April 30 calling for an end to the boycott, has been quietly lobbying
politicians and business on both sides of SB 1070 to take the tourism
industry out of the equation and make immigration reform a federal,
rather than a state, imperative (the same stance being taken by the
Obama administration). While the USTA declined to comment for this
story, Moore says the organization's support has been invaluable in his
ongoing efforts to promote the importance of meetings and conventions
and protect Phoenix from further economic hardship.
When the
Washington, D.C., City Council threatened to enact legislation urging
the district's businesses to boycott travel to Arizona -- following the
lead of cities such as Boston; Boulder, Colo.; El Paso, Texas; San
Diego, and San Francisco -- the American Hotel & Lodging
Association, also based in D.C., issued a stinging rebuke. In a letter
addressed to city council chairman Vincent Gray, AH&LA's president
and CEO, Joe McInerney, wrote, "What if Arizona citizens did not travel
to Washington or host meetings in this city because members of the
Arizona State Legislature did not like the district's stance on the
five-cent bag recycling tax or on allowing gay marriage? Do we really
want to set that type of precedent in the nation's capital city?"
For
her part, Debbie Johnson, president and CEO of the Arizona Hotel &
Lodging Association, which represents more than 34,000 hotel rooms
statewide and has 400-plus members, says, "I have been called every name
in the book from individuals on both sides of this issue, but we will
remain focused. Arizona's reputation has been tarnished and damaged. We
will not let it stay that way."
In mid-May, Gov. Brewer met with
tourism leaders from across the state and charged a 15-member task
force, under the auspices of the Arizona Office of Tourism and funded
with $250,000 from the Arizona Department of Commerce, with launching a
campaign to staunch the flow of lost meeting and conventions business
and encourage local and out-of-state tourism through promotional offers.
The group's initial fact-finding report was due to the governor in
mid-June, with a follow-up report scheduled to be delivered July 12
during the Arizona Governor's Conference on Tourism.
Notes Steve
Moore, a task force member, "I will chair a section on the true power
of meetings and conventions and show how meetings revenue is vital to
sustain state budgets." One objective, he says, is to make it painfully
clear that groups have choices. "Attrition clauses today are not as
narrow and ironclad as they were before 9/11," he says. "Groups don't
sign contracts years in advance anymore, which means they have more
flexibility to pull out closer to their event, which gives them choices
where to spend their dollars. Legislators need to understand this."
Moore
also has formed an important alliance with Phoenix Mayor Phil Gordon,
who has been the bureau's strongest spokesperson. "He has gone before
the U.S. Conference of Mayors on our behalf to explain to his colleagues
why boycotts are economic suicide," he notes.
At press time, the
Phoenix CVB had put together an information kit for planners who call
with concerns; it includes a copy of the bill, so interested parties can
see the actual law and its attempts to safeguard against racial
profiling, and a copy of the police training video created to help the
state's local law-enforcement agencies carry out the law's provisions
with all due sensitivity to racial issues.
"But because the
issues on either side are so controversial and the rhetoric so
inflammatory, we will not engage in any discussion of the bill," Moore
says. "Instead, we are giving planners every bit of information we can
get our hands on, so they can make an informed decision."