Meetings & Conventions The Philadelphia Story March
1999

March 1999

Philly’s biggest fan: Rendell poses among his mayoral predecessors
in portraiture in City Hall’s reception room.
The Philadelphia Story
Urban renewal and a hopeful mayor bring the GOP to
town
By Carla Benini
Philadelphia Mayor Edward G. Rendell’s “regular guy” charisma
is startling. If it weren’t for the uniformed guard outside his
office, one could easily imagine him as some giddy Phillies
baseball fan cheering wildly in the next seat.
Many credit the native New Yorker with authoring Philly’s urban
success story. He turned a $200 million structural budget deficit
in 1992 into a $169 million surplus in the fiscal year ending June
1998. He has forged public-private partnerships that have made more
than 400 recommendations to the city on how to better manage
itself. Now, Rendell can finish his term and script the last
chapter of this rags-to-renewal story with a particularly happy
ending, as Philadelphia will host the Republican National
Convention in 2000.
This, perhaps, is the biggest coup for the 54-year-old mayor and
for the city’s convention and tourism industry. Economic impact of
the 2000 convention is estimated at $100 million. The six-day event
attracts close to 40,000 visitors, who sleep in an estimated 20,000
hotel rooms, line up at the city’s major attractions and sate
themselves at local bars and restaurants. With a projected 15,000
journalists in town, the media exposure is priceless. “There’s no
better vehicle to unite a community,” says Karen Buchholz,
executive director of Philadelphia 2000, the organization that
assembled bids for the Republican and Democratic conventions.
What’s more, any city that successfully wins a bid for a
national political convention receives an almost automatic stamp of
approval in the eyes of convention planners. Says Mike Gamble,
senior vice president, sales and marketing for the Philadelphia
Convention and Visitors Bureau, “We moved up a notch as a
convention city.” As soon as word got out about Philadelphia
winning the bid, Gamble instructed his sales staff to call every
potential convention client. “I want them to hear it straight from
you that we got the RNC,” Gamble told them.
Daydream believer
In 1996, Rendell was about the only person who believed
Philadelphia could pull it off. The idea was born when he attended
the 1996 Democratic convention in Chicago. “I was struck by how the
city of Chicago was totally immersed in the convention. They wanted
the world to see the new Chicago,” says Rendell, in between sipping
the last droplets of a 32-ounce soda. “I didn’t even wait to see
the economic impact figures. That was enough for me.” He began
plotting a course for how to lure either the Republican or
Democratic conventions, holding meetings with an inner circle of
business and political leaders over the 10 days following his
return from Chicago.
His audience was skeptical. “When I got people together and said
we’re going to make a bid for both conventions, they looked at me
like I’d lost my senses.” Tom Muldoon, president of the convention
and visitors bureau, attests to that.
“With the Democrats, we thought maybe there’s a chance,” Muldoon
says. “But why would Republicans come to an overwhelmingly
Democratic city with a Democratic mayor?”
Rendell had his work cut out. For one thing, Philadelphia
suffered from a poor self-image, despite its steady recovery. Here
is where a billboard in the 1970s proclaimed, “Philadelphia isn’t
as bad as Philadelphians say it is.” Its convention industry was
still in its infancy, having hosted its first citywide (groups
using 2,000 hotel rooms on peak nights) in 1992. As a convention
host, “We weren’t even on the radar screen,” says Gamble. And, its
hotel infrastructure couldn’t support the demands of a major
political convention. In 1996, the CVB’s hotel members had 6,300
rooms in Center City, the city’s downtown core, among 17,000 within
a 30-minute drive. Site selection committees needed 20,000
commitable rooms to even consider Philly. As for its ability to
raise the millions it takes to host a convention, Philadelphia was
just emerging from its own financial quagmire.
Build it and the politicos will come
Philadelphia faced some intimidating competition from New
York City, New Orleans, Chicago and Los Angeles, all of which had
hosted conventions in the past.
First, Philadelphia had to address its hotel shortage. “From the
outset, the perceived weakness was the number of hotel rooms,” says
David Cohen, the mayor’s former chief of staff and appointed
co-chair of Philadelphia 2000. To get to that magic number of
20,000 hotel rooms, the CVB’s Gamble knew he needed a base of
25,000 to 30,000 rooms.
The CVB got lucky, sort of. It realized it was only counting
member hotels. So, Gamble and Buchholz set out to recount the
region’s hotel rooms, visiting 120 properties in five days. They
came up with 26,000 acceptable rooms throughout the greater
Philadelphia area.
But having the right number of hotel rooms meant little if
Gamble couldn’t persuade general managers to commit them.
Typically, GM’s are asked for 50 to 75 percent of their inventory
for a major convention. This time, Gamble wanted 90 percent from
hotels in Center City and near the airport and 80 percent from
regional hotels.
Outlying hotels weren’t feeling too generous at first. “The
farther out we got, the more reluctant the hotels were to commit
large blocks of rooms,” says Gamble. “They were nervous about them
actually being picked up.” But by the end of 1997, Gamble had their
word. “No one wanted to be the odd man out.”
Even with 90 percent of downtown hotel rooms on hold,
Philadelphia needed more. In 1996, Rendell called for 2,000 new
rooms by 2000 and offered HUD loans and special financing breaks to
attract major chains. As a result, Philadelphia is scheduled to far
surpass its goal of 2,000 rooms and expects 4,200. Muldoon says the
building boom was also due to the fact that hotel companies were
able to convert office space into rooms, as opposed to building
from the ground up; 70 percent of new development is former office
space.
As for facilities, Philadelphia was in good shape. The First
Union Center (formerly the CoreStates Center) had opened in 1996
with a high-tech sound system and multimedia capabilities. The
Pennsylvania Convention Center is only five years old, but will
undergo an electronic retrofit, says Bob Butera, president and CEO
of the center. The project will allow for better quality video
output and more Internet hookups, including the ability for
wireless connections. The center will also install Internet and
e-mail kiosks.
Show me the donations
Some industries took a while to get on the political convention
bandwagon. “The hospitality community became true believers
quickly,” says Rendell. “The corporate community was harder to
convince.”
And yet, corporate donations are one of the most important
aspects of a convention bid. This was where Buchholz’s sales
expertise came into play. In fact, she was hired in part for her
ability in a previous job to sell skyboxes at the First Union
Center before its construction was a definite.
The 31-year-old, known for a militant attention to detail and a
need for daily doses of chocolate, says almost no one turned down
her solicitations. “It was truly a ‘check your agenda at the
door.’” She even managed to gather at one table employees from IBM,
Comcast and Microsoft corporations to help put together the
telecommunications aspect of the bid.
Politics aside?
As money was rolling in and hotels were going up, Philadelphians
were beginning to believe they had a shot. The city was able to
negotiate a generous transportation package: Delegates would have
access to free bus transportation 18 hours a day. Governor Ridge
agreed to hand over $7 million in state resources and lend troopers
to help out with security.
But many still wondered if, despite a sturdy infrastructure and
the fiscal generosity of the private sector, politics would prevent
the Republicans from seriously considering Philadelphia as a
candidate. After all, Rendell is a personal friend of both Clinton
and Gore. He raised $4 million for their 1996 re-election campaign.
And, the Republicans hadn’t been north of the Mason-Dixon line
since 1980.
Few people seem to agree on the role of politics in the bid
process. “I’m not going to tell you that politics didn’t come into
play, but no more than for a home builders association,” says Tim
Fitzpatrick, deputy press secretary for the Republican National
Committee in Washington, D.C. “The bottom line is that the members
of the site selection committee know that if the city is a
political utopia for your party but the convention goes poorly,
they’re going to hear about it.”
Chairperson of the Republican site selection committee, Jan
Larimer, believes Philadelphia’s bipartisanship (referring to its
Democratic mayor and Republican governor) was an advantage. “We had
a certain level of comfort with them because both sides were
represented.”
Give me a ‘P’! Give me an ‘H’!&
Rendell took on many roles during the bid process. He lured people
like Buchholz and Cohen to spearhead Philadelphia 2000. He took the
lead in creating the “delegate experience” and was responsible for
imagining the first-ever Political Fest, an interactive exhibit
that will allow delegates to do things like videotape themselves
giving an acceptance speech.
But perhaps more than anything, Rendell played head cheerleader.
“My role was to make everyone believe we could do it,” he says.
And the Republican site selection committee could easily sense
the enthusiasm. “With all of the groups we talked to the hotels,
unions and corporations they all got it,” says Larimer. “They
understand the importance of having this in their city.” For the
104 hotel inspections, committee members were escorted by the
general managers of each hotel. Often they were greeted by hotel
staffs and local volunteers waving banners welcoming them to the
city.
Says Larimer, “Philadelphia’s spirit was incredible. They wanted
it, they went out and they got it.”
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